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<title>Polarity between Academic and Public Views in Discourse on Anglicisms</title>
<link>http://www.pickarticle.com/beauty/fashion/polarity-between-academic-and-public-views-in-discourse-on-anglicisms.html</link>
<guid>http://www.pickarticle.com/beauty/fashion/polarity-between-academic-and-public-views-in-discourse-on-anglicisms.html</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 09 Sep 2010 03:35:33 -0500</pubDate>
<description><![CDATA[ <p>In a comprehensive study on discourse on anglicisms in the German  press, Spitzmiiller (2005) shows that today, purism emerges as the most  distinctive feature separating academic and public views. This is based  on the fact that linguistic thought generally conceives of language as  an open system that is constantly subject to change while public opinion  tends to see language as a closed system of inviolable norms. Thus,  contact-induced language change is regarded as a natural process in  linguistics whereas opinions following from the conceptualization of  language as a discretely bounded entity can perceive other language  influence as causing unwanted change in the status quo of language. <a href="http://www.merrellshoesdiscount.com/">Discount Merrell Shoes</a> The difference between academic opinions and purist public attitudes  emerges from the recent history of discourse in anglicism research and  public criticism in German. In the second half of the twentieth century,  concomitant with major developments in language contact research (cf.  Betz, 1936, 1949; Haugen, 1950; Weinreich, 1953), the first large-scale  descriptive studies on anglicisms in German were conducted. The works by  Zindler (1959); Carstensen (1965); Carstensen &amp; Galinsky (1975),  and Fink (1968) described the rising impact of English on German by  investigating the use of English borrowings in German press  publications.</p>
<p>These studies were centrally concerned with  classifying various shades of English influence from caiques to direct  borrowings in line with Betz's taxonomy of loan influences. Furthermore,  these studies investigated patterns of orthographical and morphological  integration of English loans in German and outlined some of the reasons  why English elements turned into popular additions to the German  language.  In a way, these studies defined the field for the next three decades of  anglicism research, which was characterized by a great number of  investigations expounding on the use of English terms in different  regional varieties of German (cf., among others, Bus, 1980; Roller,  1978; Lehnert, 1990; K. Viereck, 1986), in the field of technical  languages (cf. Allenbacher, 1999; Schmitt, 1985), and by focussing on  specific features of integration (e.g., gender assignment, cf.  Carstensen, 1980; Gregor, 1983). In line with the widespread perception  that the influence of English is constantly increasing in German, a  number of scholars tried to test this hypothesis by quantifying the  number of anglicisms. Most notably, Yang (1990) provides a diachronic  cross section of occurrences in the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel for  the years 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980.</p>
<p>Throughout this period,  he notes a slight but steady increase from an average of 2.93  anglicisms per Spiegel-page in 1950 to 4.94 anglicisms in 1980  (1990:35-36). A similarly small increase in the number of anglicisms per  page in other German press publications is reported in Lee (1996:30),  who counts 4.47 in 1988 and in 1992 as a token of the increase of  anglicisms in the GDR from shortly before to after the fall of the  regime. Schelper (1995) determines the number of anglicisms from a  random sample of Austrian, German, and Swiss newspapers from 1949 to  1989. She observes yearly fluctuation in her data that is, however,  still indicative of a general rise. As one of the highest rates of  increase, her sample of the Austrian newspaper Die Presse shows 123  anglicisms in 1949 and 210 in 1989 (this count also includes potential  caiques as anglicisms).</p>
<p>My student's death powerfully opened the questions of sexuality and  personal identity to me. Why was a young man who (insofar as he made any  identification) identified as a heterosexual perceived as gay? How was  sexual identity written onto and read off my student's body? Following  James's death, I came to feel the vital importance of education about  sexuality and sexual identity for all students. This is not to say that I  stopped believing in the importance of creating opportunities for my  queer and questioning students to read and write texts with lesbian,  gay, bisexual, and transgender characters and themes. It's just that I  began to believe that the other side of the coin was just as&mdash;and perhaps  even more&mdash;important: to question the apparently settled category of  "straight" heterosexuality and to see how what queer theorists called  "heteronormativity" (how certain norms and assumptions lead to a  "compulsory heterosexuality") shapes the way we understand gender and  sexual identities. Some of the work of the English classroom, I came to  believe, should be about exposing and analyzing how we read and write  our sexual identities in textual and embodied worlds and how we can both  confound and be confounded in our expectations of <a href="http://www.merrellshoesstore.com/">Cheap Merrell Shoes</a> male or female, straight or gay behavior.</p> ]]></description>
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<title>Some Prominent Features of STHE</title>
<link>http://www.pickarticle.com/beauty/fashion/some-prominent-features-of-sthe.html</link>
<guid>http://www.pickarticle.com/beauty/fashion/some-prominent-features-of-sthe.html</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 09 Sep 2010 03:32:38 -0500</pubDate>
<description><![CDATA[ <p>That would make us hesitate; for one, StHE is a restructured variety  that has evolved via extensive dialect and language contact (see above);  though English was the most influential input variety (hence shift and  death of all other languages spoken), varieties such as Malagasy had an  influence and considerably shaped the eventual outcome of the formation  process. As a result, StHE shares a number of characteristics with  English-derived Creoles though it is far from clear whether or not it  should be classified as a creole or <a href="http://www.fashionthomassabo.com/charms-c-1.html">Thomas Sabo Charms</a> (discussion in Schreier, 2008; cf. Schneider's (1990) analysis of Caribbean Creoles with reference to prototype theory).</p>
<p>One elegant way out of the dilemma is to distinguish between  language-internal and -external criteria, so one could claim that, for  the historical reasons outlined, StHE is an Inner Circle variety,  whereas it differs from the other varieties on linguistic and  sociolinguistic grounds. Such an approach is of particular appeal since  it allows us to make a distinction between American and British English  on the one hand and a number of smaller varieties such as Bahamian  English, Bajan or Pitcairnese on the other hand (for which one might  make similar cases in point as well). This seems like a most promising  explanation, since it allows for considerable variation within the  circles and calls for a more comprehensive analysis, viewing  diversification of English around the world not only as a  socio-historical but also as a linguistic process.  I would argue that LKVEs, exemplified by StHE, challenge existing models  and ask us to revise them, since they fit for some reasons and at the  same time stand apart for others. We need to differentiate language  external and internal components of diversification in English around  the world, be more fine-grained in our analysis and make it very clear  whether or not we base our judgments on structural considerations or on  historical and social ones, which, at the end of the day, may lead to  different results.</p>
<p>In this sense, the study of English around  the world - and its taxonomic implications - may benefit considerably  from the analysis of varieties we know little about: they encourage us  to rethink principles that have been applied in the past while forcing  us at the same time to assess their significance for the classification  of English in the future.  One treasure I had come across during my preparation for this unit was a  surprisingly accessible book entitled The Undead and Philosophy:  Chicken Soup for the Soulless (Greene and Mohammad), a collection of  essays on philosophical issues raised through consideration of our  cultural myths of the living dead. The essay "Should Vampires Be Held  Accountable for Their Bloodthirsty Behavior?" (Draeger) explores the  question of whether the undead had the right to exist, as their behavior  was not rooted in evil so much as it was rooted in a basic need to  survive.</p>
<p>This essay extended a discussion, begun while  reading 7 Am Legend and continued through Night of the Living Dead,  about how adopting a different perspective can change how one views  situations that might otherwise seem cut and dry. <a href="http://www.thomassaboclub.com/pendant-c-12.html">Thomas Sabo Pendant</a> Here at the end of the undead unit, students were required to empathize  with zombies and vampires, at least long enough to determine if these  undead creatures warranted the right to exist.  What followed was a spirited debate concerning the rights of the undead.  Students quickly moved past the fantasy elements of the argument and  delved into a serious debate about the rights of minority viewpoints.</p>
<p>It should be noted that never did anyone, me included, suggest that  those needing to feed off the blood or brains of others had a right to  do so. Nor was there ever the suggestion of equivalency between this  hypothetical discussion of rights and the real struggle for rights among  those suffering from legitimate injustice. Rather, my students showed a  ready ability to see through the conceit of the argument and recognize a  larger truth: no matter how foreign the beliefs of others, foreignness  do not by itself warrant bigotry and dismissal.</p> ]]></description>
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